Surely, the MSM are having their bad days...
Joe Lauria is a veteran foreign-affairs journalist based at the U.N. since 1990. He has written for the Boston Globe, the London Daily Telegraph, the Johannesburg Star, the Montreal Gazette, the Wall Street Journal and other newspapers. He can be reached at joelauria@gmail.com and followed on Twitter at @unjoe.
Russia-Hack Story against Donald Trump, Another Media Failure
Global Research, December 20, 2016
Consortiumnews 19 December 2016
President Obama admitted in
his press conference on Friday that his government hasn’t released any
evidence yet of Russian interference in the election, but he said some
would be coming.
That’s proof that an uncritical press has already printed stories as
if true without any evidence just on the say-so of the Central
Intelligence Agency, an organization long dedicated to deception,
disinformation and meddling in other countries’ elections, not to
mention arranging coups to overthrow elected governments.
Forty years ago, the established press would have been skeptical to
buy anything the CIA was selling after a series of Congressional
committees exposed a raft of criminal acts and abuses of
power by the CIA and other intelligence agencies. Today’s journalists
work for newspapers that fraudulently still bear the names New York
Times and Washington Post, but they are no longer the same papers.
The vast U.S. news media also is not the same. The working journalist
today is living off the reputation for skepticism and determination to
get beyond government pronouncements that was established by their
papers decades ago. Rather than add to that reputation, the credibility
of the biggest newspapers continues to erode.
Both the Times and the Post should today be stained by their
credulous reporting of official lies about weapons of mass destruction
in Iraq. Instead of showing professional skepticism, the big papers
became cheerleaders for an illegal invasion that killed hundreds of
thousands of people and left behind a disaster that still reverberates
today. Neither the Times nor the Post suffered any consequences and have
picked up where they left off, still uncritically reporting anonymous
U.S. officials without demanding proof.
On the contrary, any reporter who did demand evidence was in danger
of career consequences. An editor for a newspaper chain that I was
reporting for called me to chew me out because he said my stories were
not in support of the Iraq war effort. He told me his son was a Marine. I
told him I was sure he was proud but that my job was to report the news
based on the evidence. On the very day when the invasion began, I was
fired.
Of course, the television networks, including CNN, were most
egregious for selling the war. I was shocked when I heard reporter Kyra
Philips from aboard a U.S. warship in the Persian Gulf gleefully
announce: “Welcome to Shock and Awe!” just after a cruise missile was
shown being fired. The people it killed on the receiving end were almost
never mentioned.
CNN, which has accepted Russian interference in the U.S. election as a
given, is also living off its reputation of a once very serious news
organization. On its very first broadcast on
June 1, 1980, Cable News Network aired as its second story a lengthy
investigative report on faulty fuel gauges in commercial airliners. It
broadcast an in-depth live report from the Middle East, and veteran
newsman Daniel Schorr interviewed and challenged President Jimmy Carter.
But 1980 was when the period of skeptical, professional journalism
that demanded proof from its own government started to decline as Ronald
Reagan was elected. He worked to stamp out the skepticism bred from
Watergate, Vietnam and the Congressional intelligence hearings. Reagan
did this, in part, by resurrecting the most obvious and adolescent myths
about America. And he worked with the CIA to manage America’s
perceptions away from the critical thinking of the 1970s, as journalist
Robert Parry has extensively reported.
There have been a few periods in American journalism when demanding
proof from government was expected. The muckraking period led by Lincoln
Steffens of the Progressive Era was one. The 1970s was another. But
mostly it has been a business filled with careerists who live
vicariously through the powerful people they cover, disregarding the
even greater power the press has to cut the powerful down to size.
Egregious Case
The reporting on the supposed Russian hack of the elections is one of
the most egregious examples of unprofessional journalism since 2003,
particularly because of the stakes involved.
There have now been a slew of stories, each of which seems to offer a new promise of evidence, such as one under
the ludicrous New York Times headline, “C.I.A. Judgment on Russia Built
on Swell of Evidence.” But when you read the piece, its only sources
are still unnamed intelligence officials. A later 8,000-word Times
article was the same, as though the length by itself was supposed to
lend it more credibility.
If there were any doubts, Obama wiped them away with his admission
that no evidence had been released. Worse still, perhaps, is that
counter-evidence has been suppressed, another consistent feature of
today’s journalism.
The former British diplomat Craig Murray, has written and told at least two radiointerviewers
that the Democratic National Committee and John Podesta emails were not
obtained by WikiLeaks through hacks, but instead from leaks by American
insiders.
This story was totally ignored by established media until the Daily
Mail in London reported it online, but incorrectly said Murray had
himself received the leak. In the U.S., only The Washington Times
reported the story, quoting the Mail. But that story took a swipe at
Murray’s reputation, merely saying he was “removed from his diplomatic
post amid allegations of misconduct.” In fact, Murray was let go for
blowing the whistle on U.K. use of evidence extracted by torture by the
corrupt Karimov administration in Uzbekistan. The rest of the Washington
Times story just repeats what every other reporter has written about
Russian interference.
Two Obstacles
Even if it were proven that Russian government operatives hacked
these emails as part of their intelligence gathering, there remains the
additional evidentiary hurdle that they then supplied the data to
WikiLeaks, when the recipients, including WikiLeaks founder Julian
Assange, say the source or sources weren’t Russians.
It’s also noteworthy that none of the information in the emails has
been shown to be false. The leaks provided real insights into how the
DNC favored Hillary Clinton over Sen. Bernie Sanders and revealed some
shady practices of the Clinton Foundation as well as the contents of
Clinton’s speeches to Wall Street bankers that she had tried to hide. In
other words, the leaks gave voters more information about Hillary
Clinton, confirming what many voters already believed: that she was
beholden to the financial sector and benefited from her insider
connections. But none of that was particularly news.
It is important to note, too, that Obama himself in his press
conference said there is zero evidence Russia tried to hack into the
electronic voting systems. In fact it now emerges from dogged reporting by
a local Atlanta TV station that the Department of Homeland Security
appears to have been behind earlier attempted hacks of voting systems in
several states.
So, it would be virtually impossible to prove that the DNC and
Podesta emails were the deciding factor in the election. Indeed, before
the election, pro-Clinton corporate media downplayed the email-related
stories and Podesta said the emails may have been faked (although none
of them appears to have been made up).
The emails also revealed numerous instances of reporters colluding with the Clinton campaign before publishing stories, something no hard-boiled editor from an earlier era would have stood for.
Democratic Misdirection
By focusing on the alleged Russian role now, Democrats also have
diverted attention from other factors that likely were far more
consequential to the outcome, such as Clinton largely ignoring the Rust
Belt and not going once to Wisconsin or her calling many Trump
supporters “deplorables” and “irredeemable.” Further, Clinton was a
quintessential Establishment candidate in an anti-Establishment year.
And, there was the fact that in the campaign’s final week, FBI
Director James Comey briefly reopened the investigation into Clinton’s
use of a private email server while Secretary of State, a move that
reminded many Americans why they distrusted Clinton.
Yet, as the mainstream U.S. media now hypes as flat fact the supposed
Russian role, there remains the inconvenient truth that the Obama
administration’s intelligence community has presented no verifiable
evidence that the Russians were the source of the leaks.
Demanding to see the evidence on Russia, the Republican-led House
Intelligence Committee called the CIA, FBI and Office of the Director of
National Intelligence to a closed-door briefing. Though these agencies
are obligated to show up in response to requests from their
Congressional oversight committees, the three agencies flatly refused.
Then, DNI James Clapper refused to brief concerned Electoral College
voters whose votes for or against Trump may have been influenced by the
news media frenzy about alleged Russian interference. Clapper reportedly
is preparing a report on Russia’s “hacking” for Congress.
Political Strategy
The Russia fiasco appears to have been part of a political strategy that I first wrote about
on Nov. 5 – three days before the election – that a fallback plan, if
Trump won a narrow victory, would be to influence the electors to reject
Trump when they assemble in state capitals on Dec. 19. Playing the
Russian card was designed to appeal to the electors’ patriotism to
defend their country against foreign interference.
Assuming that Electoral College long shot failed, there would be one
more chance for Clinton to stop Trump: on Jan. 6, when Congress meets to
certify the election. The Clinton camp needs one Senator and one
Representative to sign an objection to Trump’s certification (no doubt
citing Russia) forcing a vote by both chambers.
If Trump loses – and there are a number of anti-Trump Republicans in
Congress – the election would be thrown to the House where Clinton or a
more conventional Republican could be selected as President.
Given those stakes for the American democracy and the risks inherent
in U.S. relations with nuclear-armed Russia, the fact that the most
influential establishment media has bought into this extremely flimsy
story about Russian hacking should condemn them further in the minds of
the public.
Joe Lauria is a veteran foreign-affairs journalist based at the U.N. since 1990. He has written for the Boston Globe, the London Daily Telegraph, the Johannesburg Star, the Montreal Gazette, the Wall Street Journal and other newspapers. He can be reached at joelauria@gmail.com and followed on Twitter at @unjoe.
The original source of this article is Consortiumnews
Copyright © Joe Lauria, Consortiumnews, 2016
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